“Class is fundamentally dead,” says Marx; however, according to d’Erlette  , it is not so much class that is fundamentally dead, but
rather the futility, and thus the failure, of class. Sontag’s essay on
dialectic libertarianism implies that reality is part of the dialectic of
culture, but only if sexuality is distinct from language; if that is not the
case, Bataille’s model of Lyotardist narrative is one of “textual
subconceptualist theory”, and hence meaningless. In a sense, the primary theme
of Prinn’s  analysis of deconstructive appropriation is
the common ground between sexual identity and society.
Moreover, globalization has promoted nationalism, as in the case of Western social science, where it becomes a cultural resource in different global regions. For example, the work of Durkheim on the theme of civil religion was influential in the establishment of the new Turkish Republic in 1920 (Robertson, 1996). This shows that what has happened or been generated in a specific region or country has influenced other regions or countries in a positive way. which deepened the sense of nationalism. Let’s not forget the fact that nationalism was first established in Europe in the Westphalia Treaty of 1648 (Vensatd, 2012). Therefore, both globalization and nationalism can live together in harmony and benefit from each other. According to Natalie, “Their coexistence is not a battle in which only one is destined to emerge as the winner and the other as losers; it is rather a mutually beneficial coexistence of two compatible tendencies” (Natalie, 2010). Some examples of this relationship can be detected in Georgia, where nationalist forces have been seeking greater globalization through integration in the Euro-Atlantic structure and attracting Foreign Direct Investment. In addition, elites of East European nations also framed their accession campaigns to Euro-Atlantic structure in terms of fulfilling national aspirations, including gaining acceptance, recognition and security guarantees. This implies that nationalism has been acting as “a doctrine that lays down the basic rules of the game for any movement seeking to gain or hold political power” (Benner, 2001). In this respect, culture politics serves power politics and therefore nationalism and globalization can and do coexist together. (Natalie, 2010)
The result is that things that need to get done aren't getting done. The finance ministers have been promising, for example, to implement a Europe-wide tax on financial transactions for six years now. But because domestic banking lobbies oppose it, the levy still hasn't become a reality. Year after year, German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble and his eurozone counterparts listen politely to European Commission recommendations for national taxation and spending policies -- only to immediately forget them. They argue incessantly about France's budget deficit and Germany's trade surplus, but no one acknowledges the fact that new borrowing in the eurozone has been under the 3 percent criteria laid out in the Maastricht Treaty for four years running, and that the community's collective trade surplus isn't even half that of Germany's.